Wednesday, February 11, 2004

Death penalty: a lawyer sees the light

The observation by [Cherie Blair? ] "Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus" is illustrated by the two nations' differing reactions to the use of the death penalty as a legitimate punishment for murder.

In Europe one of the developing post-war insights into the requirements for the proper protection of fundamental rights is that the death penalty is unacceptable. For example, the Sixth Protocol to the European Convention (1983) provides that: "The death penalty shall be abolished. No one shall be condemned to such penalty or executed." This right was incorporated into UK law by the Human Rights Act in 1998.

There is a growing worldwide movement to end the death penalty. The United Nation's Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Aiming at the Abolition of the Death Penalty, and the 1999 Resolution Supporting Worldwide Moratorium On Executions passed by the United Nations Human Rights Commission were created with the goal of making abolition of the death penalty an international norm.

There has been a growing amount of case law under the European Convention, the South African constitution and the Canadian Charter of Rights to the effect that to expose an individual to the possibility of the death penalty violates their rights to fundamental justice and/or the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment.

In his 1995 encyclical Evangelium Vitae Pope John Paul, [religious bondage], concluded that in most cases there was no longer, [? never was], any moral basis to justify the use of the death penalty by the State. The United States, however, takes a different view.

The death penalty is used in 38 of the states. Only 12 states and the District of Columbia have abolished it. Yet the debate about whether it is appropriate to use capital punishment continues on both sides of the Atlantic.

Although, [allegedly], a majority of US citizens seem to be in favour of the death penalty, the October 2003 Gallup poll in the US, [allegedly], showed support for the death penalty at its lowest ever level at 63 per cent.

In this readable and fascinating book, the best-selling novelist and lawyer Scott Turow recounts how his service on the Illinois Governor's Commissions on Capital Punishment changed him from a "capital punishment agnostic", and led him to become one of the majority on the commission who voted against the retention of the death penalty in Illinois.

Turow first describes his own contrasting personal experiences and feelings when acting as the successful attorney on two contrasting death penalty cases. In one of them he was a prosecutor and in the other, ten years later, he was acting for the defence in a death row appeal.

He goes on to explain how the decision of Governor George Ryan of Illinois to set up the commission reflected a wider movement within the US to revisit the question of the death penalty. He rightly points out that behind instinctive expressions of support for the death penalty, the debate raises crucial questions about the goals of punishment, the possibility of redemption, the value of human life and the power of the State.

His thesis is that although on each side of the debate there are those who have deeply held convictions, for the majority of American citizens the matter is far more evenly balanced, with people being drawn to one side or the other of the debate depending on the circumstances of the particular case. During the Illinois Commission's deliberations they looked at the worryingly large number of cases where the innocent had been convicted of murder.

This revealed the paradox that since capital punishment is reserved by law for the worst of the worst murders, those that produce the strongest emotions of anger and outrage, this makes rational deliberation problematic for investigators, prosecutors, judges and juries.

The more horrific the murder, the harder the pressure from the public to secure a conviction both before and during the trial. Capital cases are uniquely prone to error and thus call into question whether we can ever be really sure of obtaining the just result.

For many Americans there can only be proper retribution for the victim's family if the murderer too loses his life. Turow points out that for these families the law has already failed since the purpose of the legal system is to protect the lives of the people.

For the many who seek the death penalty, the goal appears to be what has become known as "closure". But Turow points out that this desire applies to every murder case, and yet most murders do not attract the ultimate penalty.

Whilst acknowledging that the legal system has for too long ignored the perspective of the victims, [?], he concludes that the views of the survivors are not in themselves sufficient to justify the death penalty: "if we are to subscribe to the death penalty, it must benefit the rest of us as well."

In 1996, in a survey of 67 leading criminologists, 80 per cent said that existing research did not support a deterrence justification for capital punishment. In fact those states with the death penalty suffer from more incidences of violent crime than those that do not.

The benefit of capital punishment must therefore lie in retribution. But as a moral justification this only works if we are convinced that every execution is just: the reality is that too many innocent people are executed for the system to be able to claim a just precision. Add to this the lotteries of race, sex and geography and it is not possible to say that in every case the death penalty has achieved justice.

After considering the counterbalancing factors of the possibility of redemption and the possibility of re-offending, Turow concluded that it was not possible to support the death penalty. He concluded that there seems to be no possible system which does not occasionally condemn the innocent or undeserving.

The Illinois Commission itself was not charged with the task of recommending abolition.

Instead it put forward a number of proposals aimed at reducing the potential injustice. However, the State Legislature proved unable to pass the recommendations leaving it in the end to the State Governor to take a personal decision to commute all 167 death sentences 164 to life without parole.

The anticipated public outrage failed to materialise, the current Governor has continued the moratorium on the death penalty and almost all the Commission recommendations have been adopted.

Ultimate Punishment Scott Turow Picador, posted 11 feb 04

Related:

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